Authored by Daniel Batten via BitcoinMagazine.com,
The Global Pattern
In recent years the IMF has:
Successfully pressured El Salvador to (de facto) drop Bitcoin as legal tender, and rollback other Bitcoin policies
Successfully pressured CAR’s 2023 Bitcoin repeal through regional banking bodies
Been responsible for the lack of follow through from Bitcoin campaign rhetoric to action from Milei in Argentina.
Cited “serious concerns” with Pakistan’s Bitcoin plans
Consistently framed crypto as a “risk” in loan negotiations
Here’s a summary

As
we can see, the only nations that were able to resist IMF pressure were
El Salvador, prior to gaining an IMF loan, and Bhutan which does not
have an IMF loan.
Each country with an IMF loan who has adopted,
or attempted to adopt Bitcoin at a nation-state level has been
successfully thwarted, or largely thwarted by the IMF.
How is it
that the IMF has been so successful in preventing global nation state
adoption, with the exception of Bhutan, and why do they aggressively
move to prevent it?
In
this detailed report we do a deep-dive into each of the three nations
where the IMF has successfully pushed back against Bitcoin adoption, and
the signs that it is likely to be successful achieving the same result
with Pakistan.
In the last section of this report, we look at the
IMFs five reasons to fear Bitcoin, and how Bitcoin is still thriving
from a grassroots level despite top-down Bitcoin abandonment, or partial
abandonment, by various nation states.
1. Central African Republic: When Colonial Money Met Digital Hope

The Central African Republic (CAR) uses the CFA franc. The CFA isn’t just currency—it’s a geopolitical chain, backed by France and governed by the Bank of Central African States (BEAC). Of its 14 member nations, the 6 Central African nations (including CAR) must still deposit 50% of foreign reserves in Paris.
This control over reserves fosters economic dependency, while establishing export markets for French goods at favorable terms. In 1994 for example, the CFA was devalued by half,
a policy that was influenced by Western pressure, particularly from the
IMF. This caused the cost of imports to leap, leading to exporters
(mainly EU based) being able to procure resources from CFA nations at
half the cost. Locally the impact was devastating, leading to wage
freezes, layoffs, and widespread social unrest across CFA countries.

When the Central African Republic (CAR) announced in 2022 it was adopting Bitcoin as
legal tender, BEAC and its regulatory arm COBAC immediately voided the
law, citing violations of the CEMAC Treaty; The treaty which established
the economic and monetary community of Central Africa. This wasn’t
bureaucracy—it was a warning shot from the monetary guardians of la Françafrique.

Why it mattered: To this day, CAR’s economy relies heavily on IMF bailouts. With $1.7Billion in external debt (61% of GDP), defying BEAC meant risking financial isolation.
The IMF’s Silent Campaign
The
IMF moved fast. Within two weeks (May 4, 2022), it publicly condemned
CAR’s “risky experiment,” citing legal contradictions with CEMAC’s crypto ban. The move raised “major legal, transparency, and economic policy challenges,” the IMF said, that were similar to the concerns the IMF raised about El Salvador’s Bitcoin adoption:
risks to financial stability, consumer protection, and fiscal
liabilities. (For context, none of those risks materialized in El
Salvador).
But their real weapon was leverage. As CAR’s largest creditor, the IMF tied its new Extended Credit Facility (ECF)—a $191M lifeline—to policy compliance.

The Timeline That Tells All
This table traces the IMF’s shadow campaign:

Key to scuttling CAR’s Bitcoin ambitions was ensuring that the Sango project —
a blockchain-hub initiative from the CAR government to sell
“e-residency” and citizenship for $60K in Bitcoin — did not proceed.
The Sango Project – coincidence or collusion?
In July 2022, CAR launched the Sango Project. It aimed to raise $2.5B (100% of GDP).
It
failed catastrophically. By January 2023, only $2M (0.2% of target) was
raised. While IMF reports cite “Technical obstacles with 10% internet
penetration” as the reason for the failure, our analysis shows a
different picture. Two factors scuttled the project.
- Investor flight
- A CAR Supreme Court ruling formally blocked the Sango project
However, on closer examination, both of these factors hint at IMF involvement.
Let’s take a closer look at the evidence.
Investor Flight
The IMF’s role in this investor flight is circumstantial but compelling. On May 4, 2022, the IMF expressed concerns about
CAR’s bitcoin adoption, stating it raised major legal, transparency,
and economic policy challenges. This statement, made before the Sango
Project launch, highlighted risks to financial stability and regional
economic integration, potentially deterring investors. Further, in July
2022, during a staff visit for the Staff-Monitored Program (SMP) review,
the IMF noted “economic downturns due to rising food and fuel prices”,
which could have compounded investor caution. Reports also mention that the IMF and COBAC warned of inherent risks in CAR’s crypto move, adding to the skepticism.
The
timing of these IMF statements aligns with the observed investor
flight, suggesting that their cautionary stance may have influenced
perceptions. While circumstantial, the sequence of events suggests IMF
influence as a respected financial institution in the investor community
likely played a role in investor flight.
Supreme Court Ruling
On
the surface, the Supreme Court ruling looks like an independent event,
until we dig beneath the surface and find big question-marks over the
independence of CAR’s judiciary, a country that itself ranks 149/180 on
its Corruption Perception Index (extremely low).

As
mentioned, one week after CAR announced its Bitcoin strategy, the IMF
reported “concerns”, including risks to financial stability,
transparency, anti-money laundering efforts, and challenges in managing
macroeconomic policies due to the volatility. (Bloomberg, 4 May, 2022)
On 29 Aug 2022,
117 days later, the Supreme Court of CAR ruled that the Sango project
was illegal. For context, the Supreme Court which forms part of CAR’s
judiciary is described by international transparency bodies such as Gan Integrity as
one of the most corrupt institutions in the country, with evidence
pointing to inefficiency, political interference, and likely influence
from bribes or political pressure.

The Sango project’s collapse became the IMF’s Exhibit A: “Proof Bitcoin can’t work in fragile economies.” But
the reality was, the IMF’s consistent expression of “concerns” created
the environment where the project was structurally undermined in
advance, so that this conclusion became possible.
5,200 miles
away, in the small nation of Bhutan we see the stark contrast of the
successful Bitcoin rollout that was possible without IMF’s
“involvement”.
The Unspoken Conclusion: Bitcoin’s Resilience Beyond Borders
CAR’s reversal wasn’t about Bitcoin’s viability. It was about raw power. The IMF weaponized regional banking unions (CEMAC),
starved CAR of capital, and leveraged a $191M loan to extinguish the
threat of financial sovereignty. When the Sango Project struggled—the
trap snapped shut.
Yet this defeat reveals Bitcoin’s enduring power. Notice what the IMF didn’t destroy:

The
pattern is clear: Where grassroots adoption takes root—Bitcoin
survives. But for countries announcing top-down Bitcoin manifestos who
have large IMF loans, all 4 have met with crushing levels of resistance: El Salvador, CAR, Argentina and now Pakistan.
CAR’s outstanding $115.1 million IMF loan balance made it vulnerable to heavy IMF pressure. In nations without IMF loans such as Bhutan,
Bitcoin slips through the IMF’s grip. Every peer-to-peer payment, every
Lightning transaction, erodes the old system’s foundations.
The IMF won the CAR round. But the global fight for financial sovereignty is just beginning.
2. Argentina’s $45 Billion Bitcoin Adoption Roadblock
If
CAR was thwarted in its Bitcoin plans, Argentina never made it to the
start line. Precampaign rhetoric from President Milei suggested big
things were in store for Bitcoin. Yet nothing materialized. Was this
just a politician’s rhetoric fizzling out post-election, or was
something else at play? This section pulls back the lid on what really
happened to Argentina’s aborted Bitcoin aspirations.

Understanding
how Bitcoin adoption is going, is like assessing whether a rocket is
going to reach escape velocity: we must look at both the thrust and drag
factors.
I’m an optimist: I believe Bitcoin will win: it is so
clearly a better solution to the broken money legacy system we currently
have. But I’m also a realist: I think most people underestimate the
strength of entrenched forces which oppose Bitcoin.
When I was running my tech company, we
encountered the same thing. Our technology was 10x better, faster and
more cost effective than the legacy system we eventually replaced. But
they didn’t relinquish their incumbent monopoly easily!
What happened in Argentina?
When libertarian Javier Milei was elected Argentina’s president in
November 2023, many Bitcoin advocates cheered. Here was a leader who
called central bankers “scammers,” vowed to abolish Argentina’s central
bank (BCRA), and praised Bitcoin as
“the natural reaction against Central Bank scammers.” The case became a
litmus test for whether Bitcoin could gain mainstream acceptance
through government adoption rather than grassroots growth.

Source: Coinsprout. 14 Aug 2023
Yet eighteen months into his presidency, Milei’s Bitcoin vision remains unfulfilled. The reason? A $45 billion leash held by the International Monetary Fund.
The IMF’s Bitcoin Veto in Argentina
The
constraints had already been put in place by the time of Milei’s
election. On 3 March, 2022, Argentina’s previous government signed a $45 billion IMF bailout agreement. In the weeks following, details emerged that the agreement had contained an unusual clause: a requirement to “discourage cryptocurrency use.” This wasn’t a suggestion—it was a loan condition documented in the IMF’s Letter of Intent, citing concerns about “financial disintermediation.”
The immediate effect:
Argentina’s central bank banned financial institutions from crypto transactions (BCRA Communication A 7506, May 2022)
The policy remains enforced under Milei, despite his pro-Bitcoin rhetoric
Milei’s Pivot
After taking office, Milei:
✔ Slashed inflation from 25% monthly to under 5% (May 2024)
✔ Lifted currency controls (April 2025)
✔ Secured a new $20 billion IMF deal (April 2025)

But
his manifesto’s flagship proposals—Bitcoin adoption and abolition of
BCRA (Argentina’s Central Bank) — are conspicuously absent. The math
explains why: Argentina owes the IMF more than any other nation, giving the Fund unparalleled leverage.
Yet
there’s irony in Argentina’s case: while the IMF blocks official
Bitcoin adoption, Argentinians are embracing Bitcoin anyway.
Cryptocurrency ownership grew by 116.5% between 2023-2024 in South America.
Across the region, Argentina has the highest ownership rates, at 18.9%, a figure almost 3 times the global average, and which has surged as citizens hedge against high annual inflation of 47.3% (April 2025) — a quiet rebellion the IMF can’t control.
.
What Comes Next?
All
eyes are on the October 2025 mid-term elections. If Milei gains
legislative support, he may test the IMF’s red lines. But for now, the
lesson is clear: when nations borrow from the IMF, their monetary
sovereignty comes with strings attached.
Key Takeaways
The IMF’s 2022 loan explicitly tied Argentina’s bailout to anti-crypto policies
Milei has prioritized economic stabilization over Bitcoin advocacy, to maintain IMF support
Parallels exist in El Salvador, CAR and now Pakistan revealing a consistent IMF playbook
Argentinians are circumventing restrictions through grassroots Bitcoin adoption
3. El Salvador: A partial IMF-victory

When
El Salvador made Bitcoin legal tender in 2021, it wasn’t just adopting a
cryptocurrency—it was declaring financial independence. President Nayib
Bukele framed it as a rebellion against dollar dominance and a lifeline
for the unbanked. Three years later, that rebellion hit a $1.4 billion
roadblock: the IMF.
The Price of the Bailout
To
secure its 2024 loan, El Salvador agreed to dismantle key pillars of
its Bitcoin policy. The conditions reveal a systematic unwinding:
Voluntary Acceptance Only
Businesses are no longer required to accept Bitcoin (2021 mandate repealed). source
Public Sector Ban
Government entities prohibited from Bitcoin transactions or debt
issuance. This includes bans on tokenized instruments tied to Bitcoin. source
Bitcoin Accumulation Freeze
All government purchases halted (6,000+ BTC reserve now frozen)
Full audit of holdings (Chivo wallet, Bitcoin Office) by March 2025. source
Trust Fund Liquidation
Fidebitcoin (conversion fund) to be dissolved with audited transparency. source
Chivo Wallet Phaseout
The $30 incentive program winds down after surveys showed most users traded BTC for USD. source
Tax Payment Rollback
USD becomes the sole option for taxes, eliminating Bitcoin’s utility as sovereign payment. source
Bukele’s Calculated Retreat
El Salvador’s compliance makes fiscal sense:
- The loan stabilizes debt (84% of GDP) as bond payments loom
- Dollarization remains intact (USD still primary currency)
Yet the backtrack is striking given Bukele’s 2021 rhetoric. The Chivo wallet’s low uptake likely made concessions easier.
What’s Left of the Experiment?
The IMF hasn’t killed Bitcoin in El Salvador—just official adoption. Grassroots use persists:
- Bitcoin Beach (local circular economy) still operates, in fact thrives
- Tourism draws increasing numbers of Bitcoin enthusiasts
But
without state support, Bitcoin’s role potentially shrinks to a niche
tool rather than a monetary revolution, at least in the short term.
The Road Ahead
Two scenarios emerge:
- Slow Fade: Bitcoin becomes a tourist curiosity as IMF conditions take full effect
- Shadow Revival: Private sector keeps it alive despite government retreat
One thing’s clear: when the IMF writes the checks, it also writes the rules.
Key Takeaways
- IMF loan forced El Salvador to reverse 6 key Bitcoin policies
- Precedent set for other nations seeking IMF support
- Grassroots Bitcoin use may outlast government involvement
El
Salvador made a lot of Bitcoin concessions. While arguably this doesn’t
hurt El Salvador much, it sends a strong message to other LATAM nations
such as Ecuador and Guatemala who were watching El Salvador and
thinking of copying their playbook (until they checked the size of the
IMF loan they had). So on net balance it was a partial IMF win, a
partial El Salvador win.
4. Bhutan: the IMF-free success story

We are now 2 years into Bhutan’s Bitcoin experiment.
That means we now have some good data on how it has affected the economy.
The
IMF warned that nations embracing Bitcoin would destabilize their
economy, be less effective at attracting foreign direct investment, and
endanger their decarbonizing and environmental initiatives. It
specifically voiced concerns over Bhutan’s “lack of transparency” with crypto-adoption.
What does the data say?
1.
The bitcoin reserves have directly addressed pressing fiscal needs. “In
June 2023, Bhutan allocated $72 million from its holdings to finance a
50% salary increase for civil servants”
2. Bhutan was able to “use Bitcoin reserves to avert a crisis as foreign currency reserves dwindled to $689 million”
3. Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay in an interview said that bitcoin also “supports free healthcare and environmental projects”
4. Tobgay also said their Bitcoin reserves helped in “stabilizing [the nation’s] $3.5 billion economy”
5.
Independent analysts have now said that “this model could attract
foreign investment, particularly for nations with untapped renewable
resources”
Considering how the IMF analysis was not just wrong,
but roughly 180° off target, it begs the question, were the IMF’s
predictions ever based on data?
5. Five reasons the IMF may fear Bitcoin

“Get
all your friends, libertarians, democrats, republicans, get everyone to
buy Bitcoin – and then it becomes democratized.” encouraged John
Perkins ~ Bitcoin 2025
What if the IMF’s greatest fear isn’t inflation… but Bitcoin, and can Bitcoin Break the IMF/World Bank Debt Grip?
During my recent conversation with John Perkins (Confessions of an Economic Hit Man), something clicked. Alex Gladstein previously and brutally exposed how
IMF “structural adjustments” did not eliminate poverty, but in fact
enriched creditor nations. Perkins layered this with his own first-hand
accounts.
Perkins laid bare to me how the Global South is trapped
in a cycle of debt—one designed to keep wealth flowing West. But here’s
the twist: Bitcoin is already dismantling the playbook in five key
ways.
1. Reducing Remittance Costs to Loosen the Debt Noose

Chris Collins’ Sculpture symbolically captures the debt noose
Remittances—money
sent home by migrant workers—often make up a significant part of
developing nations’ GDP. Traditional intermediaries such as Western
Union charge fees as high as 5–10%.
This acts as a hidden tax that drains foreign reserves. For countries
like El Salvador or Nigeria, every remittance dollar that doesn’t flow
into the country is a dollar their central bank must store to stabilize
their currencies. Often this store of US dollars is provided by the IMF.
Bitcoin Changes the Game
With Lightning, fees drop to almost zero, and transactions settle in seconds. In 2021, El Salvador’s president Bukele optimistically predicted that bitcoin could save $400 Million in remittance payments.
The reality has been there’s little evidence remittance payments using
bitcoin have reached anywhere near that threshold. However the potential
is clear: more remittances in bitcoin leads to higher dollar reserves,
which leads to less need for IMF loans.
Little wonder the IMF mentioned Bitcoin 221 times in their 2025 loan conditions for El Salvador. They’d like to remain a relevant lender.
Bitcoin
isn’t just cheaper for remittances—it bypasses the dollar system
entirely. In Nigeria, where the naira struggles, families now hold BTC
as a harder asset than local currency. No need for central banks to burn
through dollar reserves. No desperate IMF bailouts.
The numbers speak for themselves:
• Pakistan loses $1.8 billion yearly on remittance fees—Bitcoin could save most of that
• El Salvador already saves $4M+ annually with just 1.1% Bitcoin remittance adoption
Adoption isn’t universal yet—only 12% of Salvadorans use Bitcoin regularly, while over 5% of Nigeria’s remittances flow through crypto. But the trend is clear: every Bitcoin transfer weakens the debt dependency cycle.
The IMF sees the threat. The question is: how fast will this silent revolution spread?”

Remittances totaled almost $21 billion in 2024, representing over 4% of Nigeria’s GDP
2. Evading Sanctions and Trade Barriers
Oil-rich
Iran, Venezuela and Russia have had restricted USD access due to US
sanctions in 1979, 2017 and 2022 respectively, resulting in the export
of vastly fewer barrels per day of oil in each case.
Whether we agree with the ideologies of these nations or not, Bitcoin breaks this cycle. Iran already evades sanctions by using Bitcoin as a way to effectively “export oil”, whereas Venezuela has used Bitcoin to pay for imports, evading sanctions.
Iran is also able to bypass sanctions by monetizing its energy exports through mining. This avoids the IMF’s “reform-for-cash” ultimatums while keeping economies running.
The petrodollar’s grip weakens as Russia and Iran pioneer Bitcoin oil deals.
Another
nation that has used Bitcoin to avoid the economic hardship caused by
sanctions is Afghanistan, where humanitarian aid flows through using
Bitcoin. NGOs like Code to Inspire bypassed Taliban banking freezes, and Digital Citizen Fund have used Bitcoin to deliver aid post-Taliban takeover, preventing families from starving.

Afghanistan’s
“Code to Inspire” NGO uses Bitcoin donations, which cannot be
intercepted by the Taliban, to train women to write software.
Though Bitcoin’s share of sanctioned trade is small—under 2% for Iran and Venezuela’s oil exports—the trend is growing.
Sanctions
are a critical tool for geopolitical leverage, often supported by the
IMF and World Bank through their alignment with major economies like the
U.S. Sanctioned nations using Bitcoin reduces IMF control over
financial flows while simultaneously threatening U.S. dollar dominance.
3. Using Bitcoin as a Nation State Inflation Shield
When nations like Argentina face hyperinflation, they borrow USD from the IMF to bolster currency reserves and
stabilize their currency, only to face austerity or the enforced sale
of strategic assets at a low price when repayments falter. Bitcoin
offers a way out by acting as a global, non-inflatable currency that
operates independently of government oversight, and which appreciates in
value.
El Salvador’s experiment shows how Bitcoin can reduce dollar dependency.
By holding BTC, nations can hedge against currency collapse without IMF
loans. If Argentina had allocated just 1% of its reserves to Bitcoin in
2018, it could’ve offset the peso’s 90%+ devaluation that
year, sidestepping an IMF bailout. Bitcoin’s neutrality also means no
single entity can impose conditions, unlike IMF loans that demand
privatization or unpopular reforms.
Bitcoin doesn’t have debt-leverage or a long history of the IMF to draw on when encouraging adoption. However, due to the Lindy Effect (see chart below), each passing year Bitcoin becomes a more viable alternative.

Lindy
Effect: The longer something has been successful, the more likely it is
to continue being successful. Bitcoin’s longevity strengthens its
potential to disrupt
4. Bitcoin Mining: Turning Energy into Debt-Free Wealth
Many
developing nations are energy-rich but debt-poor, trapped by IMF loans
for infrastructure like dams or power plants. These loans demand cheap
energy exports or resource concessions when defaults hit. Bitcoin mining
flips this script by turning stranded energy—like flared gas or
overflow hydro—into liquid wealth without middlemen or transport costs.
Paraguay’s earning $50 million yearly from hydro-powered mining, covering 5% of its trade deficit. Ethiopia made $55 million in 10 months. Bhutan’s the standout: with 1.1 billion in Bitcoin (36%
of its $3.02 billion GDP), its hydro-powered mining could produce $1.25
billion annually by mid-2025, servicing its $403 million World Bank and
$527 million ADB debts without austerity or privatization. Unlike IMF
loans, mined Bitcoin appreciates in value and can be used as collateral
for non-IMF borrowing. This model—monetizing energy without surrendering
assets—scares the IMF, as it cuts their leverage over the energy
sector.

Bhutan’s Prime Minister, Tshering Tobgay, calls Bitcoin a “strategic choice to prevent brain drain”
5. Grassroots Bitcoin Economies: Power from the Ground Up
Bitcoin is not just for nations—it’s for communities. In places like El Salvador’s Bitcoin Beach or South Africa’s Bitcoin Ekasi,
locals already use BTC for daily transactions, savings, and community
projects like schools or clinics. These circular economies, often
sparked by philanthropy, aim for self-sufficiency. In Argentina, where
inflation often tops 100%, 21% of people used crypto by
2021 to protect wealth. If scaled up, these models could reduce
reliance on national debt-funded programs, which is of course the last
thing the IMF want.

Hermann
Vivier, founder of Bitcoin Ekasi, says his community was inspired by El
Salvador’s Bitcoin Beach to replicate their Bitcoin circular economy in
S.Africa
Conclusion
By fostering
local resilience, Bitcoin undermines the IMF’s “crisis leverage”.
Thriving communities don’t need bailouts, so the IMF can’t demand
privatization in exchange for loans. In Africa, projects like Gridless Energy’s
– which has already brought 28,000 rural Africans out of energy poverty
using renewable microgrids tied to Bitcoin mining – cut the need for
IMF-backed mega-projects. If thousands of towns adopt this, dollar
shortages would matter less, and trade could bypass USD systems.
While the IMF occasionally engages in spreading misinformation about
Bitcoin energy consumption and environmental impact as a way to
obstruct adoption, its preferred and much more powerful tool is simply
to use the financial leverage it has over IMF-indebted nations to
“strongly encourage” compliance with its Bitcoinless vision of the
future.

The IMF fought Bitcoin adoption in El Salvador, CAR, and Argentina. Now they are fighting Pakistan’s
intention to mine Bitcoin as a Nation State. Scaling these grassroots
efforts is likely to force the IMF’s hand to crack down more and more
transparently.

Above: Children from South Africa’s poorest villages learn to surf via the Bitcoin Ekasi township project
Grassroots
Bitcoin economies empower communities to thrive without IMF bailouts.
And people-power is needed to find new innovative ways to overcome the
IMF’s counterpunch.